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Members of the 6th Dáil
This is a list of the 153 members who were elected to the 6th Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Oireachtas (legislature) of the Irish Free State. These Teachtaí Dála (Members of Parliament) were elected in the September 1927 General Election and served until September of that year. The Sixth Dáil lasted 1,615 days.
TDs by Constituency
The list is given in alphabetical order by constituency.
Changes
See also
- Government of the 6th Dáil
- Irish general election, 1927 (September)
- Parliamentary constituencies in the Republic of Ireland
Category:Members of Dáil Éireann by session
Dáil Éireann
Dáil Éireann is the lower house of the Oireachtas (parliament) of the Republic of Ireland. It is directly elected at least once in every five years under the system of proportional representation by means of the Single Transferable Vote. Its powers are similar to those of lower houses under many other bicameral parliamentary systems and it is by far the dominant branch of the Oireachtas. It effectively has power to pass any law it wishes, and to nominate and remove the Taoiseach (head of government). Since 1922, it has met in Leinster House in Dublin.
Composition
The current, 29th Dáil has 166 members. Members are directly elected at least once in every five years by the people of the Republic of Ireland under the system of proportional representation by means of the Single Transferable Vote (STV). Membership of the Dáil is open to citizens who are 21 or older. A member of the Dáil is known as a Teachta Dála (TD) or deputy.
Election
Teachta Dála
The Dáil electorate consists of Irish and United Kingdom citizens over 18 years of age. Under the Constitution of Ireland a general election for Dáil Éireann must occur once in every seven years, but a five year limit is currently specified by statute. The Taoiseach (head of government) can, by making a request to the president, effectively dissolve the Dáil at any time, in which case a general election must occur within thirty days.
The STV electoral system broadly produces proportional representation in the Dáil. The small size of the constituencies used, however, usually gives a small advantage to the larger parties and under-represents smaller parties. Since the 1990s the norm in the state has been coalition governments. Prior to 1989, however, one party governments, usually of the Fianna Fáil party, were very common. The multi-seat constituencies required by STV mean that candidates must often compete for election with others from the same party. This increases voter choice but is accused by some of producing TDs who are excessively parochial. Two failed attempts--1959 and 1968--have been made to change to the British Single Member Plurality ('First-past-the-post') electoral system. Both were rejected in referenda. By-elections occur under the Alternative Vote system.
Currently every constituency elects between three and five TDs (the average is 3.9). The constitution specifies that no constituency may return fewer than three TDs but does not specify any upper limit to constituency magnitude. The constitution requires that constituency boundaries be reviewed at least once in every twelve years, so that boundaries may be redrawn to accommodate changes in population. Boundary changes are currently drafted by an independent commission, and its recommendation are usually followed. Malapportionment is forbidden by the constitution.
Number of members
Under the Constitution of Ireland there must never be fewer than one TD for every thirty thousand of the population, nor more than one for every twenty thousand. The fact, however, that all ministers must be drawn from the Republic's small parliament and the need, therefore, for the lower house to provide a sufficiently large pool of talent for skilled individuals to be found for positions in the Government, has meant that in practice the ratio of TDs to citizens has always stayed close to the latter figure. In the 29th Dáil there is one TD for every 21 thousand citizens, one of the most generous such ratios anywhere in the world. With the adoption of the current constitution in 1937 the membership of the Dáil was reduced from 153 to 138, but in the 1960s Seán Lemass as Taoiseach found difficulty in appointing ministers. The number was therefore increased, only to be increased more substantially in 1981 to current figure of 166.
Ceann Comhairle
Main article: Ceann Comhairle
The speaker, or presiding member, of Dáil Éireann is the Ceann Comhairle. The Ceann Comhairle is chosen from among TDs but is expected to observe strict impartiality. Despite this, the government will usually try to select one of its own for the position, if its numbers allow. In order to protect the neutrality of the chair, an incumbent Ceann Comhairle does not seek re-election as a TD but rather is deemed automatically to have been re-elected by their constituency at a general election, unless they are retiring. The Ceann Comhairle does not vote except in the event of a tie. In this event they generally vote in accordance with the parliamentary conventions relating to the Speaker of the British House of Commons.
Powers
While in principle Dáil Éireann is only one of three components of the Oireachtas, the other two being the President of Ireland and Seanad Éireann, in practice the powers the constitution grants to the Dáil render it by far the dominant branch, meaning that most bills passed by Dáil Éireann will ultimately become law. In addition to its legislative role, it is the Dail that designates the Taoiseach. The Dáil may also pass a motion of no confidence in the Government, in which case the Taoiseach must either seek a parliamentary dissolution or resign. The Dáil also has exclusive power to:
- Propose the budget (which may not originate in the Senate).
- Ratify treaties.
- Declare war or permit the state to participate in a war.
Activities
Dáil Éireann determines its own standing orders and its members are protected by certain rights arising from parliamentary privilege. In line with other modern parliamentary systems, TDs do not generally vote first and foremost in accordance with their consciences or the wishes of their constituents, but must follow the instructions of party whips. Except in exceptional circumstances, the Dáil meets in public.
History
Precursors
The first legislature to exist in Ireland was the Parliament of Ireland and the first legislative lower house was the House of Commons of this body. However the Parliament of Ireland was abolished under the Act of Union of 1800. Irish nationalists first convened Dáil Éireann as a revolutionary parliament in 1919 and while it successfully took over most functions of government it was not recognised under British law.
In 1921 the British government established a legislature called the Parliament of Southern Ireland in an effort to appease nationalists by granting Ireland limited home rule. However this body was rejected and boycotted by nationalists whose allegiance remained with the Dáil. Nonetheless, because the First Dáil was illegal under the British constitution, the lower house of the Parliament of Southern Ireland, the House of Commons of Southern Ireland, is considered in British legal theory as the precursor to the Dáil.
The First Dáil (1919)
House of Commons of Southern Ireland, Cathal Brugha, Arthur Griffith, Eamon de Valera, Count Plunkett, Eoin MacNeill, W.T. Cosgrave; Kevin O'Higgins (third row, right)]]
Main article: Dáil Éireann (1919-1922)
The current Dáil derives from the 1937 Constitution of Ireland, but claims a direct line of descent from the 'First Dáil' of 1919. The First Dáil was an extra-legal assembly established by Sinn Féin MPs elected to the House of Commons in the 1918 UK General Election. Upon winning a majority of Irish seats in the election (many uncontested), Sinn Féin MPs refused to recognise the British parliament and instead convened as the First Dáil Éireann (translated as "Assembly of Ireland"): the unicameral legislature of a new notional Irish Republic, and the first Irish parliament to exist since 1801. The Dáil of the Irish Republic, however, was only recognised internationally by the Russian Soviet Federated Socialist Republic, despite intense lobbying by Irish-Americans in the USA.
The first meeting of the Dáil occurred in Dublin, in the Mansion House. Subsequently the body was forced underground and met in number of locations.
Irish Free State (1922-1937)
Main article: Dáil Éireann (Irish Free State)
The Dáil of the Irish Republic was succeeded in 1922 by the Dáil of the Irish Free State. The Irish Free State, comprising the twenty-six southern and western counties of Ireland, was established under the 1921 Anglo-Irish Treaty. Dáil Éireann (now described as a "Chamber of Deputies") became the lower house of a new legislature called the Oireachtas. The first Dáil to exist under the constitution of the Irish Free State succeeded the Second Dáil of the Irish Republic and so was styled the Third Dáil. The Third Dáil, and every subsequent Dáil, has met in Leinster House.
Constitution of Ireland (1937-present)
The Constitution of Ireland, adopted in 1937, established the modern Irish state, referred to today as the Republic of Ireland. Under the constitution a new legislature retained the title Oireachtas, and its lower house remained Dáil Éireann (although it was now described as a "House of Representatives"). The first Dáil to meet under the Constitution of Ireland was described as the Ninth Dáil.
Members of the 29th Dáil (May, 2002-present)
Main article: Members of the 29th Dáil
Government coalition parties denoted with bullets (•)
Footnotes
# Dáil Éireann is an Irish language name. It may be pronounced as: "dawl" "air-rinn".
# It has happened only once that this did not result in a general election: in 1994 John Bruton of Fine Gael became Taoiseach when Labour left the Fianna Fáil government of Albert Reynolds.
See also
- Politics of the Republic of Ireland
- List of Irish general elections
- Parliamentary constituencies in the Republic of Ireland
- List of longest-serving members of Dáil Éireann
- History of the Republic of Ireland
- Bicameralism
External links
- [http://www.oireachtas.ie Houses of the Oireachtas] (official website)
Category:Politics of the Republic of Ireland
Ireland
Ireland
Category:History of Ireland
Irish Free StateThe Irish Free State (Irish: Saorstát Éireann) was (1922–1937) the name of the state comprising the 26 of Ireland's 32 counties which were separated from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland under the Irish Free State Agreement (or Anglo-Irish Treaty) signed by British and Irish Republic representatives in London on December 6, 1921. The Irish Free State came into being in December 1922, replacing two co-existing but nominally rival states, the de jure Southern Ireland, which had been created by the Government of Ireland Act 1920 and which from January 1922 had been governed by a Provisional Government under Michael Collins and the de facto Irish Republic under the President of Dáil Éireann, Arthur Griffith, which had been created by Dáil Éireann in 1919. (In August 1922, both states in effect merged with the deaths of their leaders; both posts came to be held simultaneously by W.T. Cosgrave.)
The historic background
The Easter Rising of 1916, and in particular the decision of the British military authorities to execute many of its leaders after courts martial, generated sympathy for the republican cause in Ireland. But, crucially, it was the republicans and some independent Nationalists who led opposition to the idea of compulsory military service for Irish men in the conscription crisis of early 1918. The crisis saw the Irish Parliamentary Party, who supported the Allied cause in the Great War in response to the passing of the final Third Home Rule Act 1914, become discredited and the result was that in the December 1918 general election the majority of Irish seats in the Westminster parliament of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland were won (mainly unopposed without contests) by Sinn Féin, a previously non-violent monarchist party founded by Arthur Griffith in 1905, that under Eamon de Valera's leadership from 1917 had campaigned aggressively for an Irish republic.
In January 1919, Sinn Féin MPs (or TDs as they became known, from the Irish Teachta Dála) refusing to sit at Westminster, assembled in Dublin and formed a single chamber Irish parliament called Dáil Éireann (Assembly of Ireland). It affirmed the creation of an Irish Republic and passed a Declaration of Independence. However only the Soviet Union recognised the Irish Republic internationally, although it was accepted by the overwhelming majority of Irish people. (Recent calculations of Sinn Féin support in 1918, based on actual electoral battles at national and local level puts party support at in the region of 45–48%, largely because many of their seats were won without being contested). The War of Independence was fought between the army of the "Republic," the Irish Republican Army (known now as the "Old IRA" to distinguish it from later claimants to the title) and the British Army of the United Kingdom of which Ireland was still nominally part. In 1921, a truce was declared, and at the end of the year, negotiations were opened, under British Prime Minister David Lloyd George and Arthur Griffith, who headed the Irish Republic's delegation.
In reality, that these negotiations would produce a form of Irish government short of the independence wished for by republicans was not in doubt. The United Kingdom could not offer a republican form of government without losing prestige and risking demands for something similar throughout the Empire. Furthermore, as one of the negotiators, Michael Collins, later admitted (and he was in a position to know, given his role in the independence war), the IRA at the time of the Truce was weeks, if not days, from collapse, with a chronic shortage of ammunition. "Frankly, we thought they were mad," Collins said of the sudden British offer of a truce, although it was unlikely they would not have continued in one form or another, given the level of public support. The President of the Republic, Eamon de Valera, himself realised that a republic was not on offer. He decided not to be a part of the treaty delegation and so be tainted with what some more militant republicans were bound to call a "sell out."
As expected, the Anglo-Irish Treaty explicitly ruled out a republic. What it offered was dominion status, as a state of the British Commonwealth (now called the Commonwealth of Nations), equal to Canada, Australia and New Zealand. Though less than expected by the Sinn Féin leadership of 1919–1922, it was substantially more than the initial form of home rule within the United Kingdom sought by Charles Stewart Parnell from 1880 and a serious advancement on the final Third Home Rule Act 1914 which the Irish nationalist leader John Redmond had achieved through democratic parliamentary proceedings.
The governmental and constitutional structures of the Irish Free State
The structures of the new Irish Free State were laid out in the Treaty and in the Constitution of the Irish Free State Act. It provided for a constitutional monarchy, with a three tier parliament, called the Oireachtas, made up of the King and two houses, Dáil Éireann and Seanad Éireann (the Irish Senate). Executive authority was vested in the King, and exercised by a cabinet called the Executive Council, presided over by a prime minister called the President of the Executive Council.
The Representative of the Crown
The King in Ireland was represented by a Governor-General of the Irish Free State, The office replaced the previous Lord Lieutenant, who had headed English and British administrations in Ireland since the Middle Ages.
The Oath of Allegiance
As with all dominions, provision was made for an Oath of Allegiance. Within dominions, such oaths were taken by parliamentarians personally towards the monarch. The Irish Oath of Allegiance was fundamentally different. It had two elements; the first, an oath to the Free State, as by law established, the second part a promise of fidelity, to His Majesty, King George V, his heirs and successors. That second fidelity element, however, was qualified in two ways. It was to the King in Ireland, not specifically to the British King. Secondly, it was to the King explicitly in his role as part of the Treaty settlement, not in terms of pre-1922 British rule. The Oath itself came from a combination of three sources, and was largely the work of Michael Collins in the Treaty negotiations. It came in part from a draft oath suggested prior to the negotiations by President de Valera. Other sections were taken by Collins directly from the Oath of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, of which he was the secret head. In its structure, it was also partially based on the form and structure used in the Dominion of Canada. Besides this which is heavily debated, Eileen Dover was also mentioned as a member of the Canadian board that sent suggestions to the forming Irish State.
Though controversially moderate by other dominion standards, and notably indirect in its reference to the monarchy (and hence widely criticised by unionists and other dominions), it was criticised by nationalists and republicans for making any reference to the Crown, the claim being that it was a direct oath to the Crown, a fact demonstrably incorrect by an examination of its wording. But in 1922 Ireland and beyond, it was the perception, not the reality, that influenced public debate on the issue. Had its original author, Michael Collins, survived, he might have been able to clarify its actual meaning, but with his assassination in 1922, no major negotiator to the Oath's creation on the Irish side was still alive, available or pro-Treaty. (The leader of the Irish delegation, Arthur Griffith had also died in August 1922). The Oath became a key issue in the resulting Irish Civil War that divided the pro- and anti-treaty sides in 1922–23.
Irish Free State at the British Empire Games
The Irish Free State sent a team to the British Empire Games in 1934 in London.
Northern Ireland
The Treaty provided for an all-Ireland thirty-two county state, subject to the proviso that the six Northern Ireland counties, which had their own government under the Government of Ireland Act 1920, could formally opt out of the Free State, which they duly did. (Had it remained, Northern Ireland would have been a self-governing province of the Irish Free State, with its own parliament and government as before.) Northern Ireland thus remained part of the renamed United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The Treaty also allowed the United Kingdom to retain naval use of four Free State ports.
The Irish Civil War
The compromises contained in the agreement caused the civil war in the 26 counties in June 1922-April 1923, in which Michael Collins's pro-Treaty "Free Staters" defeated the anti-Treaty Republicans led by Eamon de Valera, who had resigned as president of the Republic on the treaty's ratification, to the fury of some of his own supporters, notably Sean T. O'Kelly. On resigning, he then sought re-election in an attempt to wreck the treaty. However his ploy failed as the electorate voted for pro-treaty candidates. Arthur Griffith became President. Michael Collins was chosen by the House of Commons of Southern Ireland (a body set up under the Government of Ireland Act 1920 and to which the Provisional Government was nominally answerable) to become Provisional Prime Minister. As both the House of Commons and the Dáil had almost identical members, it was academic which body was meeting. Griffith's republican administration and Collins' Crown-appointed government merged with the deaths of both men, their respective offices being held by the same man, W.T. Cosgrave.
"Freedom to achieve freedom"
W.T. Cosgrave issue from late 1928, this is a farthing coin from 1936 showing the obverse.]]
Governance
Two political Parties governed the Irish Free State between 1922 and 1937.
- Cumann na nGaedheal under W.T. Cosgrave (1922-32)
- Fianna Fáil under Eamon de Valera (1932-37)
Constitutional evolution
Michael Collins described the Treaty as 'the freedom to achieve freedom'. In practice, the Treaty offered most of the symbols, powers and functions of independence, including a functioning parliamentary democracy, executive, judiciary, a written constitution which could be changed by the Free State, etc. However, in theory, a number of limits existed:
- The British king remained king in Ireland;
- The British Government had a continued role in Irish governance. Officially the representative of the King, the Governor-General also received instructions from the British Government on his use of the Royal Assent, namely a Bill passed by the Dáil and Seanad could be Granted Assent (signed into law), Withheld (not signed, pending later approval) or Denied (i.e., vetoed). Letters patent to the first Governor-General Tim Healy had named Bills that if passed were to be blocked, namely an attempt to abolish the Oath, etc. In reality no such Bills were ever introduced, so the issue never arose.
- The Irish Free State, like all Dominions, had an inferior status to the United Kingdom, which meant, in theory, it could not have its own citizenship (merely a shared Commonwealth citizenship), could not have direct access to the monarch except through a British minister, and had to use the British state's Great Seal of the Realm on all of its state documents, again symbolising its inferior status to the United Kingdom within the Commonwealth.
All this changed in the 1920s. A reform of the King's title, under a Commonwealth Conference decision and given effect by the Royal and Parliamentary Titles Act 1927, changed the King's role in each dominion. No more was he King in Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, etc. Instead he became King of Ireland, Australia, etc. So from that change, embodied in the Royal Titles Act, the British king had no role whatsoever in each dominion. His only role was as each dominion's own king, advised in each dominion's affairs by the dominion, not by the United Kingdom. Furthermore, the British government lost any role in either the selection of a governor-general or in advising him. In this manner, the United Kingdom lost the ability to influence internal dominion legislation.
The Free State went further. It 'accepted' credentials from international ambassadors to Ireland, something no other dominion up to then had done. It registered the treaty with the League of Nations as an international document, to the fury of the United Kingdom, who saw it as a mere internal document between a dominion and the UK. Most dramatically of all, the Statute of Westminster, again embodying a decision of a Commonwealth Conference, enabled each dominion to enact any legislation to change any legislation, without any role for the British parliament which may have enacted the original legislation in the past.
Ireland symbolically marked these changes in two mould-breaking moves.
- It sought, and got the King's acceptance, to have an Irish minister, with the complete exclusion of British ministers, formally advising the king as King of Ireland in the exercise of his Irish powers and functions (e.g., the signing of a Treaty between the Irish Free State and the Portuguese Republic in 1931);
- The unprecedented abandonment of the use of the British Great Seal of the Realm and its replacement by the Great Seal of the Irish Free State, which the King awarded to his Irish Kingdom as King of Ireland, again in 1931. (The Irish Seal consisted of a picture of 'King George V of Ireland' enthroned on one side, with the Irish state Harp and the words Saorstát Éireann (Irish for Irish Free State) on the reverse. It is now on display in the Irish National Museum, Collins Barracks in Dublin.)
When Eamon de Valera became President of the Executive Council (prime minister) in 1932 he described Cosgrave's ministers' achievements simply. Having read the files, he told his son, Vivion, "they were magnificent, son." (All that remained was British control of a number of ports in the Irish Free State, called the Treaty Ports. However that was an issue not of constitutional law but technical requirements in the Treaty which could be and were renegotiated in 1938 to Ireland's satisfaction.)
That freedom allowed de Valera, on becoming President of the Executive Council (February 1932) to go even further. With no British restrictions on his policies, he abolished the Oath of Allegiance (which Cosgrave intended to do had he won the 1932 general election), the Senate, university representation in the Dáil, appeals to the Privy Council. His one major error occurred in 1936 when, in a rush to use the abdication of King Edward VIII, he tried to abolish the crown and governor-general with the Constitution (Amendment No.27 Act), only to be told by senior law officers and others that, as the crown & governor-generalship existed separately from the constitution in a vast number of Acts, Charters, Orders-in-Council, and Letters Patent, they both still existed. He had to rush through a second Bill, The Executive Powers (Consequential Provisions) Act, 1937 to repeal all the elements he had forgotten. He retrospectively dated the second Act's effect back to December 1936.
The aftermath of the Irish Free State
In 1937, Eamon de Valera replaced the 1922 constitution of Michael Collins with his own, renamed the Irish Free State Éire, and created a new 'president of Ireland' in place of the Governor-General of the Irish Free State. His constitution, reflecting the 1930s preoccupation with faith and fatherland, claimed jurisdiction over all of Ireland while recognising the reality of the British presence in the northeast (see Articles 2 and 3). It also provided for a special position for the Roman Catholic Church, while also recognising the existence and rights of other faiths, specifically the minority Anglican Church of Ireland and the Jewish Congregation in Ireland. (This article was repealed in 1972, and Articles 2 and 3 were reworded in 1999.)
It was left to the initiative of de Valera's successors in government (1948). John A. Costello of the (pro-treaty) Fine Gael party to achieve the country's formal transformation into the Republic of Ireland. A tiny minority of Irish people, usually attached to small parties like Sinn Féin and Republican Sinn Féin, denied the right of the twenty-six county state to use the name 'republic', referring to the twenty-six county state as the 'Free State', its citizens 'Free Staters' and its government the "Free State" or "Dublin" Government. Though with Sinn Féin's entry in the Republic's Dáil (where they won 5 seats out of 166 in the 2002 general election) and the Northern Ireland Executive (where they had 2 ministries), the odds are that the number of those who refuse to accept the legitimacy of the Irish Free State/Éire/Republic of Ireland, which is already very small, will decline further.
See also
- Irish States (1171–present)
Additional reading
- Tim Pat Coogan, Eamon de Valera (ISBN 009175030X)
- Tim Pat Coogan, Michael Collins (ISBN 0091741068)
- Lord Longford, Peace by Ordeal (Universally regarded by all sides as THE definitive account of the Treaty negotiations. Though long out of print, it is available in libraries)
- Dorothy McCardlee, The Irish Republic (ISBN 0863277128) (A classic 'old-style' republican analysis published in 1937 with a pro-de Valera slant)
Category:History of the Republic of Ireland
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Ireland, Free StateCategory:Former countries in Europe
ja:アイルランド自由国
Irish general election, 1927 (September)
The Irish general election of September 1927 was held on September 15, 1927. The newly elected members of the 6th Dáil assembled at Leinster House on October 11 when the new President and Executive Council of the Irish Free State were appointed.
Campaign
The second general election of 1927 was caused by the uncertain political arithmitic within Dáil Éireann. Only three votes separated the two largest parties, Cumann na nGaedhael and Fianna Fáil. It looked as if the government could collapse at any moment. When Fianna Fáil decided to enter the Dáil in August the party and its allies immediately put down a motion of no confidence in the Cumann na nGaedhael government. Fianna Fáil was supported by the Labour Party and the National League. On the other hand the Cumann na nGaedhael government had the backing of the Farmers' Party and most of the Independent TDs. When the vote was taken, John Jinks, a National League TD failed to attend. As a result the vote was a dead heat and the Ceann Comhairle voted with the government. The motion had failed.
W.T. Cosgrave realised that this situation could not continue and a general election was called in the hope of providing a clear result. The election was fought by a number of parties, each with their own different message. Cumann na nGaedhael was fighting the election on its record in government so far. Fianna Fáil was the new party on the scene with new policies and the promise of self-sufficiency. The Labour Party had done well on its last outing and was hoping, and was predicted, to win extra seats, in spite of internal divisions. The Farmers' Party represented the needs of agricultural labourers. Sinn Féin, whose electoral hopes had been diminished with the setting up of Fianna Fáil, didn't contest a single seat.
Results
The results were as follows:
Following the general election Cumann na nGaedhael were able to form a government with the support of the Farmer's Party and other Independent TDs. The Labour leader, Thomas Johnson, loses his seat in the election and subsequently retires from politics.
Retiring TDs
- James J. Walsh
- Austin Stack
See also
- Members of the 6th Dáil
- Government of the 6th Dáil
Category:Elections in independent Ireland
Category:1927 elections
September
September is the ninth month of the year in the Gregorian Calendar and one of four Gregorian months with 30 days.
September begins (astrologically) with the sun in the sign of Virgo and ends in the sign of Libra. Astronomically speaking, the sun begins in the constellation of Leo and ends in the constellation of Virgo.
The name comes from the Latin septem, for "seven". September was the seventh month of the Roman calendar until 153 BC.
Events in September
Roman calendar
- It is the start of the academic year in some countries, mostly in the west.
- In Venice on the first Sunday of September the regata storica is held, a parade as prelude to the rowing contests known as regattas.
- Labor Day is observed on the first Monday in September in the United States and Canada(spelled Labour Day).
- In Japan, Respect for the Aged Day is a national holiday celebrated on the third Monday of September. Autumnal Equinox Day is also a national holiday.
- In the Netherlands on the second Tuesday in September is known as prinsjesdag. The government presents its annual budget. The queen rides to the parliament in a gilded coach and reads the plans for the coming year to the States-general.
- The equinox named the autumnal equinox in the northern hemisphere and the vernal or spring equinox in the southern hemisphere occurs on dates varying from 21 September to 24 September (in UTC). In the pagan wheel of the year the spring equinox is the time of Ostara and the autumn equinox is that of Mabon.
- In KwaZulu-Natal, king Shaka is commemorated on the last Sunday of September.
- Somewhat ironically, the German Oktoberfest and the Chinese August Moon festival (more correctly called the Mid-Autumn Festival) both occur in September.
Trivia
- September begins on the same day of the week as December every year.
- September's flower is the morning glory.
- September's birthstone is the sapphire.
- In the year 1752, in the British Empire, the Gregorian calendar was adopted and as a result September did not have days numbered 3–13.
- On Usenet, it is said that September 1993 never ended.
External links
- [http://www.astro.uu.nl/~strous/AA/en/antwoorden/seizoenen.html Astronomy Answers article on the seasons]
Category:Months
ko:9월
ms:September
ja:9月
simple:September
th:กันยายน
Carlow Kilkenny
Carlow-Kilkenny is a constituency represented in Dáil Éireann, the lower house of the Irish parliament or Oireachtas. The constituency has an electorate of 97,071 and at present is served by 5 Teachtaí Dála (TDs). The method of election is the Single Transferable Vote.
The constituency spans the entire area of both County Carlow and County Kilkenny, taking in Kilkenny City, Carlow town, Urlingford, Tullow and Muine Bheag. The constituency of Carlow Kilkenny has been used in Irish elections since the election of the Second Dáil in 1921. Prior to Irish independence elections to the UK Parliament were held in three single seat constituencies, known as Carlow, Kilkenny North and Kilkenny South, and it was these three constituencies that elected members of the First Dáil. Carlow Kilkenny did not exist during the period of 1937 to 1948 when it was replaced by the constituencies of Carlow Kildare and Kilkenny.
In 2002 Séamus Pattison, the outgoing Ceann Comhairle of Dáil Éireann, was re-elected unopposed in accordance with the standard practice.
Recent Results
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Cumann na nGaedhealCumann na nGaedheal (League of the Gaels) was an Irish language name given to two Irish political parties.
The first Cumann na nGaedheal was founded by Arthur Griffith in 1904 to campaign against a visit by King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra to Ireland. In 1905 it merged with a number of other parties to form Sinn Féin.
The second Cumann na nGaedheal was formed by pro-treaty Sinn Féin TDs in Dáil Éireann in Dublin in April 1923 and was largely centre right in outlook. The leadership of the pro-treaty Sinn Féin group included Arthur Griffith, Michael Collins and W.T. Cosgrave. The former two died during the early stages of the Irish Civil War leaving Cosgrave to lead the pro-treaty faction. The Cumann na nGaedheal party came into being when the pro-treaty wing of Sinn Féin decided to formally style themselves as a distinct party. The idea for the new party arose in late December 1922 but its formal launch was delayed until April 1923 as a direct consequence of the turmoil caused by the civil war. It had as its core element the pro-treaty section of Sinn Féin returned in the 1922 general election.
The party contested its first general election in 1923 and won 63 seats (39% of the poll). Its leader was W.T. Cosgrave who had fought in the 1916 Rising and had been prominent in the Government of the underground Irish Republic. Until 1932 Cumann na nGaedheal formed the Government of the Irish Free State with Cosgrave as President of the Executive Council. The fact that its leaders and members of parliament had been in Government before the party was founded would prove a major stumbling block to party unity and loyalty.
In Government the party established the institutions upon which the Irish state is still built. It also re-established law and order in a country that had long been divided by war and ideology through a number of public safety acts and the formation of an unarmed police force. In 1927 the Government, through the Shannon scheme, harnessed the massive potential for electricity generation of that river while providing jobs on a large scale.
Politically unselfish, the party's support base gradually slipped to Éamon de Valera's new party Fianna Fáil after its inception in 1926. Cosgrave's party became solely identified with protecting the treaty and defending the new State while it seemed pre-occupied with public safety. Economically the party favoured balanced budgets and free trade at a time when its opponents advocated protectionism. Nonetheless it came as a surprise when Cumann na nGaedheal was defeated by Fianna Fáil in the general election of February 1932.
Its support base contracted further in the general election of January 1933 as it failled to counter DeValera's populism and was increasingly labelled the party of the middle class. The party subsequently entered discussions with the National Centre Party and the National Guard (Blueshirts) on the possibility of a merger. This came about in September 1933 with the formation of Fine Gael - The United Ireland party from the three parties, though in reality Fine Gael was a larger version of Cumann na nGaedheal.
Category:Republic of Ireland political parties
Cumann na nGaedhealCumann na nGaedheal (League of the Gaels) was an Irish language name given to two Irish political parties.
The first Cumann na nGaedheal was founded by Arthur Griffith in 1904 to campaign against a visit by King Edward VII and Queen Alexandra to Ireland. In 1905 it merged with a number of other parties to form Sinn Féin.
The second Cumann na nGaedheal was formed by pro-treaty Sinn Féin TDs in Dáil Éireann in Dublin in April 1923 and was largely centre right in outlook. The leadership of the pro-treaty Sinn Féin group included Arthur Griffith, Michael Collins and W.T. Cosgrave. The former two died during the early stages of the Irish Civil War leaving Cosgrave to lead the pro-treaty faction. The Cumann na nGaedheal party came into being when the pro-treaty wing of Sinn Féin decided to formally style themselves as a distinct party. The idea for the new party arose in late December 1922 but its formal launch was delayed until April 1923 as a direct consequence of the turmoil caused by the civil war. It had as its core element the pro-treaty section of Sinn Féin returned in the 1922 general election.
The party contested its first general election in 1923 and won 63 seats (39% of the poll). Its leader was W.T. Cosgrave who had fought in the 1916 Rising and had been prominent in the Government of the underground Irish Republic. Until 1932 Cumann na nGaedheal formed the Government of the Irish Free State with Cosgrave as President of the Executive Council. The fact that its leaders and members of parliament had been in Government before the party was founded would prove a major stumbling block to party unity and loyalty.
In Government the party established the institutions upon which the Irish state is still built. It also re-established law and order in a country that had long been divided by war and ideology through a number of public safety acts and the formation of an unarmed police force. In 1927 the Government, through the Shannon scheme, harnessed the massive potential for electricity generation of that river while providing jobs on a large scale.
Politically unselfish, the party's support base gradually slipped to Éamon de Valera's new party Fianna Fáil after its inception in 1926. Cosgrave's party became solely identified with protecting the treaty and defending the new State while it seemed pre-occupied with public safety. Economically the party favoured balanced budgets and free trade at a time when its opponents advocated protectionism. Nonetheless it came as a surprise when Cumann na nGaedheal was defeated by Fianna Fáil in the general election of February 1932.
Its support base contracted further in the general election of January 1933 as it failled to counter DeValera's populism and was increasingly labelled the party of the middle class. The party subsequently entered discussions with the National Centre Party and the National Guard (Blueshirts) on the possibility of a merger. This came about in September 1933 with the formation of Fine Gael - The United Ireland party from the three parties, though in reality Fine Gael was a larger version of Cumann na nGaedheal.
Category:Republic of Ireland political parties
Fianna Fáil
Fianna Fáil - The Republican Party (IPA ; English translation: Soldiers of Destiny) is the largest political party in Ireland. From its establishment in the early twentieth century, the party moved from being a radical, slightly left of centre party, to become the establishment, its influence dominating government and Irish political life from the 1930's onwards. It has been the largest party in Dail Eireann since 1932, and formed the government from 1932-48, 1951-54, 1957-73, 1977-82, 1987-94, and since 1997.
In the European Parliament, it is a leading member of Union for Europe of the Nations, a small right-of-centre nationalist grouping. Recently the party has established a cumann (branch) in Derry, its first in Northern Ireland.
Leader & President of Fianna Fáil
- Eamon de Valera (1926-1959)
- Seán Lemass (1959-1966)
- Jack Lynch (1966-1979)
- Charles Haughey (1979-1992)
- Albert Reynolds (1992-1994)
- Bertie Ahern (1994-present)
Note: Though the posts of leader and party president are separate, with the former elected by the Parliamentary Party and the latter elected by the Árd Fhéis, and in theory the posts could be held by different people, they have always been held by the one person. However as that year's Árd Fhéis may already have taken place before a new leader was elected, the selection of the new party president might not take place until a year after the leader. The years above are for the election of the leader.
History
Árd Fhéis
Fianna Fáil was founded on March 23, 1926, and adopted its name on April 2 of the same year. It was founded by Éamon de Valera, former Príomh-Áire (prime minister & president of Dáil Éireann (April 1919-August 1921)) and President of the Republic (August 1921-January 1922). De Valera had resigned from the presidency in January 1922 over the Anglo-Irish Treaty which created the Irish Free State. He had led anti-Treaty Sinn Féin during the Irish Civil War (1922-23) before resigning from the party in 1926, in protest at the party's hard-line policy of Abstensionism, the refusal to accept the legitimacy of the Free State or Dáil Éireann. Though his new party, Fianna Fáil, was also opposed to the Treaty settlement, it adopted a more pragmatic approach of aiming to republicanise the Irish Free State rather than imagining all that had happened between 1922 and 1926 was invalid and that one could simply turn the clock back to the days of the direct British rule and start the Independence process again.
Fianna Fáil initially refused to enter the Irish Free State's Dáil Éireann in protest at the Oath of Allegiance which all members of the Dáil were obliged to take. (The Oath, which was contained in the Anglo-Irish Treaty of 1921, was drafted by Michael Collins, using phraseology taken the Irish Republican Brotherhood's Oath and suggestions from de Valera, then President of the Republic. In its final form, it promised "allegiance" to "The Irish Free State" and "that I will be faithful" to King George V in his role as King of Ireland.) The party initially took a court case on the issue of the oath. However the assassination of the Cumann na nGaedhael (pronounced "cum-on na gale") Minister for Justice, Kevin O'Higgins, led the then government to introduce a new Bill, requiring all candidates to swear that they would take the oath if elected. (If they declined to give that guarantee, they would be ineligible to be candidates in any election.) Fianna Fáil abandoned its previous refusal to take the Oath, dismissed it as an "empty formula", and entered the Dáil.
The first party leader was Eamon de Valera. Other founding members included Seán Lemass (who became its second leader), Sean T. Ó Ceallaigh (surname pronounced "o'kyal-ee"; the English version is Sean T. O'Kelly), P.J. Ruttledge and others. Its initial appeal was to anti-treaty supporters and working class people.
De Valera, 1926-1959
On March 9 1932 Eamon de Valera was elected President of the Executive Council of the Irish Free State. It was a position he was to hold for twenty one years, sixteen of which were uninterrupted. During his first term de Valera weakened the links between the Free State and Britain. The ban on the IRA was lifted, the Oath of Allegiance to the British Crown was abolished and the office of Governor-General was greatly demoted. De Valera also started an economic war with Britain by withholding land annuity payments and by placing high tariffs on British imports such as coal. The British responded by placing tariffs on Irish goods such as agricultural produce. This "tit for tat" policy, which was disastrous for the Irish economy, would last until 1938 when the Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement was signed.
In May 1936 de Valera abolished the Irish Senate. At that time he also announced his intention to draw up a new constitution. On 1 July 1937 the Irish people adopted the new Bunreacht na hÉireann. This new constitution was republican in all but name. The constitution claimed that the state consisted of the entire island of Ireland and the office of Governor-General was replaced by the President of Ireland. De Valera was able to succeed with this tactic as the 1930's had seen a change in Britain's relationship with her colonies. The Statute of Westminister declared a national law to be as valid as one from Westminister, and so the Houses of Commons/Lords no longer had a role in turning National bills into Law. It was a delicate political move but one which de Valera managed to execute without major disruption.
In 1939 at the outbreak of World War II de Valera announced that Ireland would remain neutral. This policy infuriated the British; however, Ireland's neutrality strongly favoured the Allies. Following the Irish General Election, 1948 Fianna Fáil lost power. They returned in 1951 but no new ideas emerged from the Cabinet. Seán Lemass was eager to launch a new economic policy but the conservative elements in the government prevailed. Fianna Fáil lost power again in 1954.
In 1957 de Valera returned for the final time as Taoiseach. At this stage he was 75 years old and almost blind. However, he allowed Lemass to proceed with his economic expansion plan. This culminated in the 'Programme for Economic Expansion' of 1958. In 1959 Dev (as he was popularly called) was elected the third President of Ireland. His successor was his Tánaiste, Seán Lemass.
Lemass 1959-1966
Seán Lemass became the new leader of the Party and Taoiseach on 23 June 1959 (the same day de Valera became President). Lemass as Taoiseach concentrated his energy on mainly economic matters. He had the task of implementing the 'First Programme for Economic Development' which began in 1958. The policy of Protectionism was abandoned and free trade was introduced. Grants and tax concessions were given to companies who set up in Ireland. As a result of the 'Programme' the Irish economy grew at a rate of 4% per annum. A second, even more ambitious, 'Programme for Economic Expansion' was started in 1963.
Lemass' success in managing the economy led to his victory in the Irish General Election, 1961. Lemass now felt that he had a greater mandate and began making more changes. He introduced a new wave of fresh and more modern thinkers to the Cabinet, including, Brian Lenihan, Charles Haughey, George Colley and Patrick Hillery. Even though this was a minority government it is considered by many the best and most productive government in the history of the state.
The sixties were a time of great change in Ireland. In 1961 RTÉ began broadcasting; opening up a new world to the Irish people. The following year the Second Vatican Council led to greater openness in the Catholic Church, which was still a major force in Ireland. In 1963 the U.S President John F. Kennedy visited Ireland. In 1966 free secondary education was announced by the Minister for Education, Donagh O'Malley.
During this term Lemass began a new policy of reconciliation with Northern Ireland. On 9 January 1965 Lemass travelled to Stormont in great secrecy for talks with Prime Minister of Northern Ireland Terence O'Neill. In February O'Neill returned the compliment and visited Lemass in Dublin. Later meetings between ministers from both sides of the border became more frequent. Unfortunately, the lavish celebrations for the 50th anniversary of the Easter Rising in 1966 offended many unionists.
In November 1966 Lemass announced his resignation as leader and Taoiseach. After fifty years serving Ireland and its people the founding fathers, Seán Lemass, Seán MacEntee and James Ryan, who had dominated Irish politics for so long, left the stage of history. After their departure a new breed of politics and politician was developing. This can be seen in the leadership race to succeed Lemass as Taoiseach.
Lynch 1966-1979
Jack Lynch was elected the third leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach on November 10, 1966. Frank Aiken, the long-serving Minister for Foreign Affairs and the only surviving member from de Valera's first Cabinet, was appointed Tánaiste. During Lynch's first term as Taoiseach he faced several crises which were unprecedented. In 1969 the Troubles broke out in Northern Ireland. Lynch was determined that the violence would not spread to the Republic and cause a civil war. At the height of the violence he made a famous speech on RTÉ saying that the [Irish] government could no longer stand by and watch innocent people be injured or perhaps worse. Many thought that the Republic was about to invade the North, and contingency plans were drawn up by the Irish Army to take Derry and Newry. These were never implemented, as it was believed that to invade the North would have triggered the slaughter of countless Catholics at the hands of their heavily-armed unionist neighbours. Lynch was mostly successful in confining the violence to Northern Ireland. He also established centres to process Catholic refugees.
The following year (1970) Lynch discovered that two government ministers, Charles Haughey and Neil Blaney, had apparently become involved in a plot to import arms for use by the Provisional IRA. Both men were sacked from the Cabinet in what became known as the Arms Crisis. Later Haughey and Blaney were arrested and put on trial, however, both were acquitted. The crisis led to deep division within Fianna Fáil for some time.
On 1 January 1973 Ireland officially became a member of the EEC. This was one of the major achievements of Lynch's terms as Taoiseach and one which was started by Lemass over ten years earlier. Following the Irish General Election, 1973 Fianna Fáil found themselves in opposition. It was the first change of government for sixteen years. The Fine Gael-Labour coalition lasted for four years.
In the Irish General Election, 1977 Fianna Fáil won its biggest ever election victory with a majority of twenty seats. The reasons for its huge victory were the populist economic policies it put forward, the dissatisfaction with the Coalition, the huge popularity of Lynch as leader, and the attempted gerrymander of many constituencies by Minister Tully. However after two years the government grew more and more unpopular. Poor results in the European elections and two by-elections added to the pressure on Lynch and he resigned on 5 December 1979. Two days later a two-horse leadership race between George Colley and Charles Haughey developed.
Haughey 1979-1992
Charles Haughey
Nine years after the 'Arms Crisis' nearly ended his career Charles J. Haughey was elected the fourth leader of Fianna Fáil and Taoiseach. Haughey's first term as Taoiseach was dominated by economic problems. Ireland's economy was in a poor state following the oil crisis and foreign debt was spiralling out of control. In the Irish General Election, 1981 Fianna Fáil received its worst result in twenty years. Haughey and Fianna Fáil found themselves in opposition.
1982/1983 was an extraordinary period for Irish politics. Two general elections were held and there were three attempts to overthrow Haughey as leader of Fianna Fáil. In the Irish General Election, 1982 (February) Haughey again failed to win a majority. Several TDs led by Desmond O'Malley challenged Haughey for the leadership but backed down on the day of the vote. Haughey was elected Taoiseach with the help of Independent TDs. In October another attempt to oust Haughey was initiated by Charlie McCreevy. This time the issue was put to a vote but Haughey won easily when an open vote was held. Following the Irish General Election, 1982 (November) Fianna Fáil lost power and another leadership battle loomed in Fianna Fáil. In February 1983 another challenge to overthrow Haughey was made. This time a secret ballot was held but the result was practically the same, 40 votes to 33 in favour of Haughey. Fianna Fáil then spent four years in opposition.
Following the Irish General Election, 1987 Fianna Fáil returned to power but had failed to gain an overall majority. Haughey was narrowly elected Taoiseach. During this term as Taoiseach Haughey concentrated mostly on economic issues, trying to turn around the country's fiscal situation. By that time, Ireland was the sick man of Western Europe and barely escaped having the IMF take over the economy. In 1989 Haughey tried to pull off what would have been his greatest achievement. He called an early general election in the hope of gaining an overall majority. However, instead of gaining seats Fianna Fáil lost seats and was forced to form a coalition with the Progressive Democrats, a political offshoot, to stay in power. Fianna Fáil had always ruled out coalition government beforehand, and many in the party were unhappy with Haughey's volte-face. This marked the beginning of the end for Haughey.
Following the Irish presidential election, 1990 Haughey was forced to sack his Tánaiste and long-time friend, Brian Lenihan. In 1991 Haughey faced a leadership challenge from Albert Reynolds. This challenge was unsuccessful, however it showed that Haughey was losing his grip on the party. In 1992 Seán Doherty placed Haughey at the centre of a scandal regarding the tapping of two journalists telephones ten years earlier. Haughey had always maintained that he knew nothing about this, but Doherty publicly stated otherwise. This time Haughey's luck had run out and he resigned. Albert Reynolds, who had challenged Haughey in 1991, emerged as the new leader of Fianna Fail and Taoiseach.
Reynolds 1992-1994
On 11 February 1992 Albert Reynolds was elected Taoiseach. After receiving his seal of office from President Mary Robinson he announced his new Cabinet. Reynolds sacked eight members of Haughey's last administration including Gerard Collins and Ray Burke. Reynolds cabinet contained many new faces and left much of the 'old guard' out in the cold. Reynolds had hoped to continue in coalition with the Progressive Democrats, however, following the Beef Tribunal the PDs withdrew from government and an election was called.
When the results of the Irish General Election, 1992 came in it was clear that both Fianna Fáil and Fine Gael had done badly. Labour achieved their best ever result with 33 seats. After negotiations Fianna Fáil entered into a coalition with the Irish Labour Party. Dick Spring of Labour took on the important roles of Tánaiste and Minister for Foreign Affairs.
One of the most important components of Reynolds period as Taoiseach was the Northern Ireland peace process. Reynolds had favoured allowing republicans into mainstream politics if they renounced violence. Negotiations had been going on between John Hume and Gerry Adams for some time and Reynolds now approached his British counterpart, John Major. On 15 December 1993 the Downing Street Declaration was signed between both governments. This agreement paved the way for an IRA ceasefire in 1994. This was one of the most important achievements of Reynolds' short term.
In 1994 Reynolds and Spring had a disagreement over an appointment of a judge to the Irish Supreme Court. Both men wanted to appoint someone different and both had their own reasons for doing so, with Reynolds approach to the whole affair causing concern among those who believed in appointing the best qualified candidate. Eventually this disagreement led to the end of Reynolds' period as Taoiseach and he resigned in November 1994. The new leader to emerge was the then Minister for Finance | | |
